Politica Sociedade

OFFICIAL LIES, REAL DEATHS: The Information War in Cabo Delgado

 

By Tiago J.B. Paqueliua

Abstract

This article exposes the total control of information concerning the war in Cabo Delgado by the Mozambican regime, unveiling the role of state-owned media institutions as instruments of propaganda and misinformation. The systematic repression of independent journalists — including persecution, enforced disappearances, poisoning, and killings — lays bare the human cost of concealing the truth. As a result of the state’s absence and its perceived complicity with criminals, local populations are increasingly taking justice into their own hands, as evidenced by the bloody incidents in Ocua and Chiúre-Velho.

1.⁠ ⁠The Monopoly on Information

Since the outbreak of armed insurgency in Cabo Delgado, Televisão de Moçambique (TVM), Rádio Moçambique (RM), and the newspaper Notícias have acted as propaganda arms of the regime, shaping narratives that obscure the true nature of the conflict. These institutions exclusively reproduce the official accounts of the government and the Defence and Security Forces (FDS), silencing reports of human rights abuses committed both by insurgents and state forces.

As highlighted by journalist and researcher Estácio Valoi, “there is a veiled censorship that defines what can and cannot be reported about Cabo Delgado,” rendering the pain of thousands of displaced persons and victims of abuse invisible.
[Source: Estácio Valoi, interviews with DW and Carta de Moçambique].

International organisations such as the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), Reporters Without Borders (RSF), and Amnesty International have documented numerous cases of intimidation, repression, and censorship, including the forced disappearance of journalist Ibrahimo Mbaruco of Palma Community Radio, whose whereabouts remain unknown since April 2020 [CPJ, 2020].

In 2021, Estácio Valoi and investigative journalist Ernesto Gove were persecuted by authorities under unfounded allegations of collaborating with armed groups — accusations strongly denounced by organisations like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International.


2.⁠ ⁠The Language of Power: Official Narratives as Tools of Manipulation

The war in Cabo Delgado is also being fought in the realm of language. The official rhetoric of the Mozambican state is imbued with strategically selected terms such as “terrorists”, “foreign criminals”, “successive victories by the FDS”, and “progressive stabilisation”. These expressions are repeatedly broadcast by state media and political leaders to fabricate an illusion of control, concealing operational failures, systemic abuses, and the persistence of a dire humanitarian crisis.

President Filipe Nyusi, in various official addresses (e.g., 25 September 2021, 25 June 2023), claimed that “the enemy is being dismantled” and that “normality is returning to communities.” Yet such statements stand in stark contrast to ongoing mass displacements, massacres, and the utter lack of security on the ground.

These narratives not only distort reality but also legitimise the silencing of critical media, portraying it as unpatriotic or collusive with the enemy. The result is a climate of fear that paralyses investigative journalism and marginalises the suffering of victims.

3.⁠ ⁠The Propaganda War and Silencing of Victims

Independent media are systematically barred from accessing conflict zones. The few journalists who dare to do so face intimidation, threats, and physical attacks. Canal de Moçambique and Carta de Moçambique have been subjected to arson attacks and death threats — acts widely denounced by Matias Guente, Executive Director of Canal de Moçambique.

Cases such as the suspicious murder of journalist Armando Mahumane and attempted poisonings of other members of the alternative press remain unresolved. Justice, captured by the system, shields the aggressors and punishes the whistleblowers.

4.⁠ ⁠Vigilante Justice as a Consequence of Misinformation and Abandonment

The environment of misinformation and manipulation fostered by the state’s monopoly on information has led to a complete erosion of trust between the population and the state. The official silence in the face of insurgent violence and abuses by the FDS has created a profound rupture in the relationship between rulers and the ruled.

Consequently, forms of popular justice have emerged in contexts where the state appears either absent or complicit.

In Ocua, Chiúre district, a man suspected of collaborating with insurgents was lynched by a mob.

In Chiúre-Velho, two individuals were brutally murdered in public. Unofficial sources claim they were FDS reconnaissance agents, one of them holding the rank of captain.

These incidents, documented by local correspondents and witnesses protected by civil society organisations, reveal the collapse of the state apparatus and widespread frustration within communities faced with unpunished violence.

5.⁠ ⁠Conclusion

The war in Cabo Delgado is not only fought with bullets — it is, above all, a war of narratives. The official vocabulary — crafted to obscure failure and suppress grief — is as deadly as the weapons used on the battlefield. The censorship and persecution of critical journalism, embodied in figures like Estácio Valoi, Matias Guente, Ibrahimo Mbaruco, and many others who have been silenced, constitute a desperate attempt to mask the state’s failure.

While those in power proclaim “victory over terrorism”, reality continues to bleed. Truth has become the foremost casualty of this war. And without truth, no meaningful reconstruction or lasting peace is possible.

The population, weary of impunity and propaganda, is turning to vigilante justice. Though understandable, this path only deepens the cycle of violence and accelerates the erosion of the rule of law.
The end of the war must begin with the end of institutionalised lies.

References

1.⁠ ⁠Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). “Missing journalist in Mozambique.” April 2020.

2.⁠ ⁠Amnesty International. Report on repression of press freedom in Mozambique, 2021.

3.⁠ ⁠Human Rights Watch. “Mozambique: Free Journalists, Respect Media Freedom”, 2021.

4.⁠ ⁠Reporters Without Borders (RSF). “Mozambique – Country Report”, 2022.

5.⁠ ⁠Carta de Moçambique and Canal de Moçambique, various editions between 2020 and 2023.

6.⁠ ⁠Estácio Valoi, interviews and reports published in DW Africa, The Guardian, ZAM Magazine, and Mail & Guardian, 2018–2023.

7.⁠ ⁠DW Africa: “Two killed in lynching in Chiúre: Individuals accused of collaborating with insurgents.” 2024.

8.⁠ ⁠Local testimonies collected by civil society organisations; identities protected for safety reasons.

9.⁠ ⁠Anonymous interviews with residents of Chiúre-Velho and Ocua, via local correspondents.

10.⁠ ⁠Official speeches by the President of the Republic and Ministry of Defence, 2020–2024 [available on the Mozambique Government Portal].

11.⁠ ⁠Notícias, TVM, and Rádio Moçambique: coverage between 2019 and 2024.

Deixe um comentário

O seu endereço de e-mail não será publicado. Campos obrigatórios são marcados com *