Economia

Mozambique lost over USD 2.3 billion through under-invoicing schemes in the extractive industry

 Export under-invoicing remains one of the main channels for illicit wealth outflows from Mozambique’s extractive industry, significantly undermining the State’s capacity to mobilize revenue for development. This is one of the key messages of a study conducted by the Center for Democracy and Human Rights (CDD) and Oxfam Mozambique, entitled “Illicit Financial Flows in Mozambique’s Extractive Industry”, which analyzes international trade data from 2012 to 2023.

The study estimates that, in major export products (coal, basic minerals, rubies, and natural gas) alone, Mozambique lost approximately USD 2.3 billion in tax revenues, linked to more than USD 4.5 billion in under-invoiced exports. These findings reveal a deep gap between the rapid growth of the extractive sector and its actual contribution to public finances, with direct implications for the funding of essential public services.

https://cddmoz.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Illicit-Financial-Flows-in-the-Extractive-Industry-in-Mozambique_CDDOXFAM.pdf

The local authorities are linked to the shareholders
The extractive activities carried out by politically exposed persons, such as those mentioned above, often yield little benefit for the communities where they occur. In mineral-rich regions like Nampula and Cabo Delgado, local populations have frequently endured forced removals, environmental pollution, and unfulfilled promises of prosperity (see inter alia here).
A significant challenge arises when politically exposed persons serve as local partners of foreign extractive companies within communities, as these individuals are often closely connected to local authorities—both aligned with the same ruling party. In such contexts, even tax regulations requiring extractive companies to allocate ten percent of all royalties paid to the areas where they operate have yielded little tangible benefit locally in Cabo Delgado.
Suspicion in the Tax Room
At a tax workshop held in Pemba, Cabo Delgado, in February 2025, local participants demanded that all mining taxes and royalties from joint ventures between foreign multinationals and local partners be paid within the province and spent in consultation with local communities. They expressed support for the political platform of opposition candidate Venancio Mondlane, who had advocated this very point in the recent elections. Attendees also voiced deep mistrust of “Maputo deals,” referring to tax payments by extractive companies made in Mozambique’s capital. “Those in Maputo do not have control over the company’s operations on the ground, and not all activities are declared,” one participant explained. Another added that he suspected tax officials frequently turn a blind eye to companies that evade declarations or payments. “Some people within the tax authority end up receiving extra payments from these taxes,” he said. “There is a network facilitating such schemes.” However, Anibal Mbalango, a tax authority official and workshop organiser, rejected these suggestions, expressing strong doubts that local tax payments could be effectively managed outside of Maputo. A few months later, Mbalango was appointed as the new national director of Mozambique’s tax authority.

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